Premier, Ancient History

Romanization: The Materiality of an Immaterial Concept

By Paul Joseph De Mola, FRGS   Mon, Oct 08, 2012

Over the course of twelve hundred years, Rome expanded from a small city on the Tiber ruling its neighbours as a territorial state to regional Empire — arguably the ancient world’s first superpower. In dealing with ‘others’ the Romans utilized — either directly or circuitously — a variety of methods to absorb and transform non-Romans into ‘Romanized’ subjects and cīvēs — that is to say ‘citizens’. For the Classical archaeologist and ancient historian, this type of diffusionism is appropriately labelled Romanization, a complex series of processes which influenced every level of social stratification. In this essay, I shall discuss certain social and material reflections of Romanization.

Every aspect of life in the world of Late Antiquity was influenced by Romanization, making it as complex and transcendent as the history of Rome is inimitable. Critically speaking, Romanization must be understood as a stratified subject; the product of many processes: from expansion, annexation and colonization to amalgamation, exploitation and urbanization (Huskinson 2000a: 20). It was as political as it was commercial. As voluntary and desired as it was imposed and resisted. Moreover, Romanization was as regionally distinct, as it was imperially ubiquitous (Huskinson 2000a: 21). It is a most dramatic example of a culturally sinuous relationship between a center (the city of Rome) and Rome’s expansive periphery (Renfrew and Bahn 2008: 184). The effects of Romanization did not extirpate the material cultures of indigenous non-Romans (Millett 1990: 1). Rather, it was a historical process which could be described as a dualistic cultural integration, the product of a social acculturation (Darvill 2008: 390). It was the consequence of diffusionism between an expansionistic culture within the City of Rome and the indigenous customs of non-Roman peoples it came to rule, thereby making it simultaneously multicultural, yet decidedly Roman.

What forms did Romanization take and what evidence do we have for this? I shall endeavor to extract evidence by examining various categories. First, I will analyze the effect Romanization had on citizen identity within the system of government of conquered territories. Second, I will look at the linguistic affect of Latin upon those cultures. Thirdly, I will discuss the architectural evidences of Romanization. Lastly, I shall briefly explore the cultural impact Romanization had on the economy of the ancient world.

Part I: The Romanizing affect of Citizenship

For the sake of debate, I wish to discriminate here between Romanized urbanism and a Roman citizen-state ideal. The former may be identified through the material record while the latter is not so easily discerned because it is first and last a cerebral concept. That being said, the dearth of infrastructure among a non-Roman indigenity does not equate to an absence of a Romanized civic government, or what could be described as a Republicanized form of a non-Roman government. For example, in Britannia the civitas capitals of Luguvalium Carvetiorum and Moridunum Demetarum had little urban infrastructure, yet were recognized by Rome alongside more “sophisticated” cultures such as Ephesus in Asia Minor, which had a well developed urban structure and a civic organization that was received by, if not analogous to, the Roman Republic (Millett 1990: 76, 103, 106; Perkins and Nevett 2000: 219).

In addition, resistance to Romanized urbanism by indigenous non-Romans does not negate or determine the existence or echelon of Roman citizenship among them (Millett 1990: 83; Perkins and Nevett 2000: 215). This has been further emphasized by Perkins and Nevett (2000: 213) in an extrapolation of Pausanias, inferring the definition of a Roman city-state does not begin with infrastructure at all, but rather with “representation“ thereby implying the existence of a Romanized electorate. Furthermore, Whitley (2001: 100, 167-168) argues that the Greek counterpart to the Roman civitas, the polis, is a concept of “citizen-state” rather than an urbanized “city-state” (Millett 1990: 65). Ergo, the historical definition of a civitas is a Roman type citizen-community and not necessarily an urbanized city.

While discussing Rome’s expansion in Italy, Mousourakis (2003: 156) has stated that as a result of extending citizenship, or naturalizing non-Romans, “a single nation and uniform culture developed” and Hope (2000: 131) adds that this approach eventually led to a “united empire” even in the most controversial areas. Consequently, it can be argued that the principles of Roman identity, through the dissemination of stratified degrees of citizenship, eventually diffused with the political conceptualization of non-Romans to create a symbolic or cognitive form of Romanization; i.e. one will be loyal to Rome, because one now perceives oneself as a Roman (Renfrew and Bahn 2008: 391-392; Huskinson 2000a: 14; Hope 2000: 131). This cognitive alignment with the consciousness of Rome can be evidenced in Roman fashion, such as the wearing of a toga to identify oneself publically as a “Roman citizen” (Fig. 2, right) within a community.

(Right) Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, styled Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus, was emperor from 27 B.C. to A.D. 14. Here, in this early Principate Period sculpture entitiled the Genius of Augustus, he is seen wearing a toga. (Marie-Lan Nguyen 2006. From the Museo Pio-Clementino's Sala Rotonda, Vatican City.)

Whereas Hope (2000: 131) has inferred that the wearing of a toga was a style of dress not observed daily by Roman citizens, Millett (1990: 69) has stated that this practice, which was lauded by the government of Rome, was lavishly considered a “prestige good” among the citizens of Britannia as a way of exhibiting their naturalized Roman citizenship. 

Despite festering contention towards Rome by Judeans and Diaspora Jews in the 1^st century A.D., the Apostle Paul twice invoked his citizenship (the traditional locution being Cīvis Rōmānus sum) in the Acts of the Apostles (16:37; 22:27) with the pride of a Roman (Fig. 3), rather than the dissent of a rabbinic leader (Hope 2000: 131; Williams 2000: 306, 326-330). What makes this episode compelling is that Paul later declared himself “a Pharisee” and a pupil of Rabbi Gamaliel (a Torah solicitor from the Yeshiva Bet Hillel), inferring Paul was a well educated member of the esteemed Orthodox Sanhedrin of Jerusalem while simultaneously holding full Roman citizenship (Acts of the Apostles 23: 3, 6; 26: 5; Falk 1985: 122, 134). Was the Christian Apostle Paul, born in Tarsus, the product of acculturation between Romans and Jews? His place as both “Pharisee and Roman Citizen” makes him a triangular figure among Romans, Judeans and Diaspora Jews. Having been linked to conflicting worlds through his dual citizenship, the Apostle Paul is an exceptional example of a Romanized-Jew (Huope 2000: 134).

(Left) An artist’s interpretation of the Apostle Paul declaring his Roman citizenship. (Anon 2008)

Underpinned by Roman expansion, the practice of dispensing citizenship, or Civitas Romanus, was employed prolifically in Rome and correlates with the evolution of a Romanized state, which Sherwin-White (1980: 40) has added was a practice that “made” a provincial culture “Roman” (Berger 2002: 389; Rives 2000: 259).  For instance, in the annexation of Campania following the Latin War of 340-338 B.C., Rome granted to the residents a level of citizenship status known as civitas sine suffragio, full citizenship without the right to vote in public assembly or ius suffragii, as a first step in a comprehensive plan to Romanize their neighbors (Potter 1987: 45-46; Southern 2007: 69; Berger 2002: 389).

Similarly, Rome granted civitas sine suffragio to the Aequi in 302 B.C. and the Sabines in 290 B.C. (EB 2009). However, in an exchange that favored Rome, the newly naturalized citizens of the Republic were obligated for military service, or militia, if the need should ever arise. Among others, the naturalized Roman citizen-states of the Volsci, Cumae, Suessula and Acerrani all contributed troops to participate in what was a collective environment that promoted Roman militant cohesion, the (citizen) Legions of Rome or Legio (Hope 2000: 130; Scullard 2003: 107; Potter 1987: 47-48; Sherwin-White 1980: 69; Berger 2002: 541).

As Whitley (2001: 165, 179) has indicated, in Greece military service was a very effective way to promote a political unity within a citizen-state. Evidence of Roman cohesion among naturalized Roman citizen-states can be seen during the war with Pyrrhus in 280 B.C., as allegiance toward Rome endured even when Roman victory was dubious (Potter 1987: 48). However, a group of non-citizen-states deprived of Roman civic rights and given the quasi-designation of “Roman allies,” or Socii Italici, were pressed into military service. Following the time of the Gracchi, this disproportionate status fueled a Social War in 91-88 B.C. for full Roman citizenship among Italic tribes (Potter 1987: 53; Berger 2002: 709). The vociferous revolt’s outcome was the bestowing of Civitas Romanus to all of Italy which immensely aided the plodding diffusion of all cultures into a Roman structure (EB 2009; Smith and Cornish 1898: 170-171).

Ultimately, in A.D. 212 Imperial Rome adopted the Constitutio Antoniniana de civitate which expanded Civitas Romanus to all free non-citizens, or peregrini, allowing citizenship to become an inclusive and communal ideal (Berger 2002: 409; Hope 2000: 130-131). We can see from here what an effective role the diffusing of Roman citizenship played in the Romanization of individual identity by encapsulating various cultures into a Roman state of mind.

Part II: Latinization of Culture 

In the North and West, the diffusion of cultures in the Roman Empire was further enhanced by the naturalized citizen’s acceptance and use of Latin which is another evidence of symbolic Romanization and as Wells (1995: 146) added “…was a fundamental part of it...” Throughout Italy, Latin was ultimately utilized by the native cultures (Potter 1987: 47). For example, in Campania Latin was adopted and eventually superseded the native language of Oscan. The exception, however, was Neapolis which was originally a Thasos colony, or apoikia -  it resisted the Romanization of language and spoke Greek until the 6^th century. Due to a strong connection with an Eastern Mediterranean heritage, this linguistic aberration toward the usage of Latin was a continuous practice we see among Greeks throughout the Roman world (Potter 1987: 28; Finegan 1981: 100; Whitley 2001: 124). It was Roman-Africa that produced the Latin literary work we know as the Golden Ass in A.D. 170. The practice of Roman monumental competition in both that province as well as Hispania presents us with an introduction to the Romanization of the indigenous governing class, or decuriones, as Latin is used to illustrate ancient class warfare between rival families (Graham 1902: 301; Miles 2000: 57; Millett 1990: 66). However, in Britannia, the absence of civic monumental inscriptions compels us to turn to historical accounts and graffiti, which suggest that Latin was utilized by certain classes of Roman-Britons (Millett 1990: 69, 110). In Gaul, we see a fascinating dichotomy as Latin is employed for writing while a Celtic tongue is typically used for conversation (Miles 2000: 59).

Part III: Urban Romanization

Although each Roman provincial government functioned differently, broadly speaking the resulting Romanized government would receive a Roman constitutional design which would seek to transform (or integrate) an élite class into an ordo (city council) from which at least two elected advisors (duoviri) would have been extracted (Millett 1990: 66; Perkins and Nevett 2000: 214; Beard, North and Price 1998: 315). This format was patterned on the Roman Senate and twin position of Proconsul with the construction of governmental buildings for their daily activities “…derived from the imposition of these Roman forms of government” (Potter 1987: 43; Perkins and Nevett 2000: 240). Evidence for this can be seen at Calleva Atrebatum in Britannia. The floor plan from the archaeological excavation shows a Roman curia, which was a typical meeting place of the senatorial body and a basilica which is an indication of the presence of a Roman judicial system, both adjoined in Roman fashion to the civic plaza known as the forum (Millett 1990: 73, 79; Perkins and Nevett 2000: 216). Similarly, archaeological excavation revealed that Verulamium had a basilica and forum constructed over what was possibly a prehistoric public meeting place (Millett 1990: 77-79). It has been suggested that the construction of these structures were indicative of the self-perpetuation of Romanization by Roman-Britons (Millett 1990: 72, 83). However, the absence of temples in proximity to the fora is unique to the rest of the empire; an exception to this is the Temple of Claudius at Camulodunum — part of the urbis Imperialis cultum (Millett 1990: 72, 87-88). 

In the former Greek colony of Glanum, Gaul, a basilica adjoined to a forum are present by the 1^st century B.C., yet we know from the archaeological record that a senatorial curia was added much later, revealing somewhat the Greek hesitance to completely Romanize their civic structure through the abandonment of the bouleuterion which was the meeting place for the city council, or boule, of the respected polis (Perkins and Nevett 2000: 233; Whitley 2001: 190, 336). While the rural city of Bavay shows a basilica and an elongated forum, the remains show little growth compared to other Romano-Gallic cities (Perkins and Nevett 2000: 237).

In Cremna, Asia Minor, the early 2^nd century A.D. saw the belated construction of a basilica and forum as an imperial mandate was initiated in the region to Romanize the government of the former Greek apoikia (Perkins and Nevett 2000: 223, 225). However, because of the strength of Greek cultural identity, the reluctance to Romanize entirely is once again apparent, with these administrative structures being Doric in design (Perkins and Nevett 2000: 226). In Smyrna, a basilica was built around the same time and interestingly blended with a Greek public square, or agora. Similarly at Corinth, the floor plan shows three basilicas adjoined to the agora, with the South basilica to the east of the bouleuterion (Ward-Perkins 1994: 256, 287).

In Roman Italy, Paestum, a former archaic apoikia of Sybaris, showed little Romanization until a Roman Latin colonaie was founded in 273 B.C. and the people went so far as to build the archaeologically uncommon open assembly structure known as a comitium. Interestingly, some four centuries later a curia was constructed (Ring, Salkin and La Boda 1996: 509; Potter 1990: 72; ICA 2005: 150; Sear 2006: 148). Debate has circulated around the intended function of the comitium as, uncharacteristically, an amphitheater was later constructed in close proximity to it and this suggests that it may have doubled as an early sporting arena (Potter 1990: 72).

A designation that evolved over the centuries, colonaie literally means plantation in Latin (Potter 1987: 46, 51; Smith 1994: 601). Their demography eventually came to exemplify typically Roman veteran citizen establishments which were infrastructural and political duplications of Rome, co-existing among a civitas (Potter 1987: 53; Millett 1990: 85; Beard, North and Price 1995: 315; Rives 2000: 260). In Pompeii, the forum plan reveals a basilica complex, curia and a comitium dating to the late Republican period when a colonaie was established (Ward-Perkins 1994: 158; ICA 2005: 128). In Cosa, Etruria a colonaie was established following the Third Samnite War and we see the closest to an “ideal” Roman city planted in a “foreign” setting. Mimicking Rome, Cosa’s floor plan boasts a curia with access only from the Southwest through the comitium and further attached to a basilica adjoining a forum (Sear 1983: 17; ICA 2005: 138). In addition, the city is laid out in a symmetrical order. Along a horizontal and vertical lined grid, a typical Roman practice of city building is seen even in isolated sites such as Thamugadi, Africa Proconsularis — one of the most perfectly gridded Roman colonies (Potter 1990: 71; Sear 1993: 205).

The principles for building Roman cities were practiced in the rural hinterland as well. For instance, Roman colonaie applied grids to the countryside, a process known as centuriation, where parcels of conquered farm land were divided into squares for colonists. In the Po Valley, for example, centuriation resulted in one of the most dramatic evolutions of rural landscape, turning a quagmire into useful farmland — the affects of which are still visible in the archaeological record (Potter 1990: 118-121).

For entertainment, the former Carthaginian city of Thysdrus, Africa Proconsularis boasted the largest amphitheatre (pictured below) in the empire next to the Coliseum. It was built in A.D. 238 before the city had achieved the designation of colonaie (Huskinson 2000a: 19; EB 2009; Sear 1983: 203). Nemausum, Gaul boasted a proto-historic tower that was later romanized, the Tour Magne, and an amphitheatre that still retains the mast holes that were used to support a Sun awning for spectators (Perkins and Nevett 2000: 230, 232; Sear 1983: 38). Amphitheatres are also found throughout the North, such as Londinium and Durnovaria in Britannia (Millett 1990: 106). However, in the East occasionally these structures were seen as “dehumanizing”. For instance, Judeans rejected Herod’s amphitheatre which only kindled enmity towards the Roman backed government (Huskinson 2000a: 10; Huskinson 2000b: 114).

‘Coliseum’ of Thysdrus in modern El Jem. Constructed during the brief reign of Gordian I in 238 A.D. (Anon 2009)

 

Part IV: Economic Romanization

Roman influences in the economy are often visible in the pottery as the principle material remains from indigenous production and importation of Roman goods; an ancient reflection of popular desire for “things Roman.” One of the earliest examples of this romanized taste is found from the shipwreck off the coast of Madrague de Giens. Here, a four hundred gross ton Roman merchantman sank in the 1^st century B.C. presumably in route to Gaul, carrying Italian wine amphorae Dressel IB from a source in Southern Italy, indicated by a production stamp from Terracina. In addition, the site yielded fine wares for use at Roman tables and coarse wares used for Roman baking, both indicative of a predilection for Roman foods (Greene 1986: 25-26; Greene 1992: 10-11).

In the late 1^st century B.C., we begin to see large amounts of Dressel IB appear in proto-historic Britain, indicating a penchant for Roman libation. The spatial analysis reveals a high concentration in the central-southern area; this is suggestive of an early Roman influence on the pre-Roman Britain indigenity, filtered through the Gallic trade networks (Millett 1990: 31-33). More evidence of this can be seen at Camulodunum, where a site yielded thousands of amphorae, a plurality containing wine, but also garum, syrup and olive oil possibly from Roman production in Hispania were present (Greene 1992: 58-59; Perkins 2000: 198).

The beautiful red-fine wares known as terra sigillata were originally produced in numerous quantities throughout Italy. Eventually, “Samian” replications were manufactured at sites such as Lezoux and Rheinzabern to satisfy interregional demand (Greene 1992: 15, 36, 52, 57). For instance, Gallic-made Roman table wares were exported not only in large quantities to Britannia, but Greene (1992: 61) has added that they were exported to “virtually every Roman site” throughout the Empire (Millett 1990: 160-161).

Conclusion

Romanization affected every characteristic of Classical life, from individualism to cultural self-perception and customs. Here, I have endeavored to describe it as a stratified process in ideological diffusion which began with Roman identity and communication and ultimately influenced political administration, architecture and economics. Viewed from this light, Romanization may be interpreted as a philosophy of cultural elitism by the citizens of Rome in relation to their place in the world. Consequently, one may conclude that it is a Classical example of nationalism which afforded its adherents a sense of Roman exceptionalism.

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Images

Anon, 2005. SPQR: Senātus Populusque Rōmānus in front of a map of Roman Empire at its fullest extent (c. A.D. 117). 

Anon, 2007. Sculpture of Augustus Caesar in toga (c. A.D. 10-120). 

Anon, 2008. Dramatization of the Acts of the Apostles 16:37 (c. A.D. 55).

Anon, 2009. Imperial Roman Amphitheatre at El Jem, Tunisia.

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Cover Photo, Top Left: Senātus Populusque Rōmānus in front of a map of Roman Empire at its fullest extent (c. A.D. 117). SPQR is the alphabetism for Senātus Populusque Rōmānus, or The Senate and the People of Rome (literally: Senate and Roman People). Epigraphic, numismatical and Classical literary evidence suggests that SPQR was an official governmental designation, or seal of the latter Roman Republic and Imperial Periods. (Anon 2005)

By Paul Joseph De Mola, FRGS

Paul Joseph De Mola, FRGS is a First Class Honours student of the School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of Leicester in England. He is currently in his senior year for a Bachelor of Arts (Hons) in Archaeology. Upon graduating, Paul plans to pursue an MA in Classics followed by doctoral research, with a goal to make a career teaching at the college-preparatory school level. His principle areas of interest are Roman Republican, late Western Imperial Roman and early Barbarian history and archaeology, as well as Classical philology. He has broad secondary interests in the archaeology of Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia and the political history of Middle Kingdom-Second Intermediate Period Ancient Egypt, as well as general interests in both Classic and Postclassic Mesoamerican sociopolitical structures. Paul's articles have appeared in Popular Archaeology, AnthroJournal, The Post Hole, and Ancient History Encyclopedia.

He has worked with Dr. Jerry Howard (Arizona State University) on the Riverview Archaeological Project, studied Ancient Greek and Latin under Professor Graham Shipley, FRHistS, FSA (University of Leicester), and taught History and English at Great Hearts Academies.

Paul is a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society (London).
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